New Urbanism: Bradburn

New Urbanism: Bradburn

Posted by Sabina

Part 1

The Charter of New Urbanism begins with a preamble which asserts present-day urban ills (inner-city decay, suburban sprawl, the deterioration of agricultural and wilderness lands, race and class based segregation) and how they all propose an interrelated community building challenge. The charter stands for the reconfiguration of sprawling suburbs into communities of real neighborhoods and diverse districts. They advocate that neighborhoods should be diverse in use and population. Cities and towns should be shaped by physically defined and universally accessible public spaces/community institutions, and communities should be designed for pedestrian and transit as well as the car. They are committed to reestablishing the relationship between the art of building and the making of community. The charter consists of twenty-seven principles, nine in each of three broad categories:

The region: metropolis, city, and town

           Each of the multiple cities, towns, and villages within a Metropolis has its own identifiable center and edge. As the city expands, infill development within already existing urban areas will conserve environmental resources, economic investment, and social fabric. If development is non contiguous, it should be organized as towns and villages with their own urban edges, planned for a job/housing balance. The physical organization of the region should be supported by a framework of transportation alternatives such as transit, pedestrian, and bicycle systems.

The neighborhood, the district, and the corridor

           Neighborhoods should be compact, pedestrian friendly, and mixed use. Daily activities should occur within walking distance, allowing those who choose not to or are unable to drive independence from doing so. There should be a broad range of housing types and price levels that can bring people of diverse ages, races, and incomes into daily interactions. This will help strengthen personal and civic bonds essential to an authentic community. Civic, institutional activity should be embedded in neighborhoods and districts not in remote, single-use complexes. Schools should be sized and located to enable children to walk or bike to them. A range of parks should be distributed throughout the neighborhood.

3. The block, the street, and the building

           The design of streets and buildings should reinforce safe environments, but not at the expense of accessibility and openness. Development must adequately accommodate automobiles, but in a way that respects the pedestrian and form of public space. Streets and squares should be safe, comfortable, and interesting to the pedestrian. Civic buildings and public gathering places require important sites to reinforce community identity and the culture of democracy. All buildings should provide their inhabitants with a clear sense of location, weather, and time.

Bradburn is a product of traditional neighborhood design (TND) or “new urbanism,” which benefits not only residents but the surrounding community through efficient land use; making it the perfect model for smart growth. Its developer, Continuum, is “dedicated to creating ecologically sustainable human habitats of extraordinary character and enduring value.”

Part 2

The Bradburn Development has a much different feel than other surrounding developments.  As discussed in the Charter on New Urbanism, developments should contain multiple levels of socioeconomic classes.  In Bradburn we see various types of housing structures.  Ranging from trendy urban lofts to large single family houses; Bradburn was developed to attract residents from various backgrounds.  During our walk through the development, we spoke with several retired persons, saw numerous families with children, and observed several individuals in their mid to late twenties.

Surrounding developments specifically catered to one socioeconomic class.  Typical suburban homes are usually meant to attract families with children.  The houses are all similar in size, indicating similar socioeconomic class.  Within a mile of Bradburn there is a trailer park, medium and large size homes. All the surrounding developments featured close access to a park, however only Bradburn featured the numerous small parks scattered throughout its acreage.     

Compared to surrounding developments, Bradburn was much more compact and pedestrian friendly.  It had narrower streets than more typical suburban development.  The streets favor slower speeds and careful driving so that children can play safely.  The narrow pathways scattered throughout Bradburn act as connecting routes between the separate housing.  We do not see such connectivity in any other surrounding developments.

The wrap-around porches of Bradburn also provided a different feel than surrounding neighborhoods.  They encouraged community due to the proximity of one another.  While many developments have porches, they are separated by a much greater distance than Bradburn porches are.  

Part 3

Bradburn is an interesting community for the fact that it follows most goals described in the charter, however it does not seem to fit all:

The region: metropolis, city, and town

When looking at Bradburn as a metropolis, city, or town, it offers many of the characteristics needed to fit the description.  While walking around the community it is easy to notice the variety of shops, restaurants, churches, bars, parks, pools, and housing.  Bradburn is located next to open space, which is undeveloped in support of running and biking trails.  It is clear where Bradburn's borders are and where the surrounding neighborhoods start.  Through conversation with members of the Bradburn community, it was made aware that all members must sign contracts stating they will follow the rules set in place by the homeowners association (HOA).   With the evident existence of a HOA, I would assume that they have voting on where the revenue and resources are placed.

The neighborhood, the district, and the corridor

Bradburn was built essentially to build community.  It offers pedestrian-friendly streets and walkways that promote other forms of transit beyond cars.  Also, most houses are built with large covered porches promoting its residence to be outside and meet one another.  As mentioned previously, there are a variety of different shops, parks, restaurants, churches, etc. which allows the elderly and youth to navigate easily.  Bradburn also offers a wide range of housing.  From listings taken from the community we saw houses anywhere between $300,000-800,000.  This wide price range can help to diversify the community by age, race, socio-economic status and more.  Finally, Bradburn did offer multiple different parks, with the largest one being near the center of the community.  However, from personal testimony from members of the community, not many of them offered enough space, and only one was big enough to play a game of football in.

The block, the street, and the building

As previously noted, Bradburn was a neighborhood created with the intention of building community.  Many of the neighborhoods shared streets, but also back alley's creating a better connection with neighbors on all sides of the house.  Street lights were placed farther apart in hopes that most people would turn their porch lights on, and therefore spend more time on their porch.  Streets are narrow and pedestrian-friendly adding a safe feeling to the environment.  Public buildings are noticeable and visually pleasing giving off a friendly and inviting feeling and are usually placed at the end of a street.

Where Bradburn Falls Short

Where I believe Bradburn falls short of the charter, is the fact that it does not seem to have a simple theme.  While walking around the community, it is easy to notice that there are a variety of different types of housing.  While standing at the main park alone you can see large houses, smaller houses, apartments, and a quad-plex.  According to the charter the architecture should represent the history, topography, and climate of the area.  Bradburn however offered colonial style homes, metropolitan looking lofts, stone and brick homes, postcard houses and more.  There was no central theme, and nothing that represented Colorado.  I also believe Bradburns development was very fast paced, and one minute someone could buy a house due to its spectacular view of the mountains or open space, and the next minute that view was gone due to the new building or homes being built.  In order to maximize profit, it was easier to build homes fast and cheap, rather than listen to what members of the community wanted.

Overall View on Bradburn

According to the Charter, I believe Bradburn does a great job of fitting the description.  It easily builds community due to style, amenities, and being pedestrian-friendly.  It values the surrounding area and open space, by not developing on it giving freedom and escape to the community.  It appeals to a wide range of people, and is not favorable for one age group, race, class or other factor.  Overall I believe Bradburn is a good community that fits almost all issues brought up in the charter.

Accessibility and its Effect on the Landscape

Accessibility and its Effect on the Landscape

Posted by Sabina

 

Part 1

 

Accessibility comes in many forms such as housing, recreation, education, jobs, etc. and varies depending on both on the use and value of the land. Places that are highly accessible tend to have easy access to transportation and large economic activity. These areas often are more expensive as they include a lot of surrounding amenities which drive up the premium. People have differing opinions when it comes to putting value on what accessibility they would want, jobs vs shopping. According to Castells, the new culture of urban integration is not the culture of assimilation into the values of a single dominant culture, but the culture of communication between an irreversibly diverse local society connected/disconnected to global flows of wealth, power, and information. He believes that as societies are built, spaces are produced. Given that we are adapting to a new social, technological, and spatial context, Castells proposes a new theory of urbanism in the Information Age. Space does not reflect society, it expresses it.

“In 1967, Boulder voters approved one of the nation's first locally funded greenbelt systems. They used a local sales tax increase of 0.4 percent to finance open space land acquisitions. As of 1998, Boulder had raised $116 million and acquired 33,000 acres of greenways and mountain parks. The greenbelt system serves as a natural growth boundary, defining the limits of the city with open space and parkland. This natural boundary helps to block urban sprawl and "leapfrog" development. The greenbelt has also helped protect the quality of life in Boulder as the city has grown. It is said that more people use the greenbelt system each year than visit nearby Rocky Mountain National Park. As an added measure, Boulder established a building height limitation of 55 feet in 1971 to preserve the view of the Rockies. The city and surrounding county have cooperated on planning and growth-management policies and jointly adopted the Boulder Valley Comprehensive Plan.” - AGO

This strategic planning made by Boulder shows just how much people value access to parks and open space. Castells says that in order for planning,architecture, and urban design to work together they have to coincide with policy. Effective urban policy is always a synthesis between projects and their actors. While these initial steps may not be urban policy, it does provide a clear example of how government worked with residents to protect a resource they put value in and preserve the natural landscape. These actions were not without consequences...

“As part of a city-wide visioning process, city planners evaluated various scenarios for the ultimate "buildout" of the city by the year 2020. They determined that their problems could get much worse before the city reached the end of its commercial land supply. The city council acted in September 1997 to reduce the potential number of new jobs the city could accommodate.  Known as the "Comprehensive Rezoning Proposal," the program will reduce the ultimate number of new jobs at buildout by 15,000 to 20,000 through:

• Purchasing commercially zoned land to prevent commercial development;
• Rezoning industrial or commercial land to residential use; and
• Changing zoning regulations to reduce the allowed size and density of new developments (downzoning).

This program allowed the city to purchase several parcels of vacant industrial, including 165 acres owned by IBM. New zoning regulations were adopted to limit commercial and industrial building sizes.  Approximately one-third of the city was rezoned, including all industrial land (limiting employment growth).

A common criticism of Boulder's growth rate cap is that it has caused high housing prices. While Boulder's housing is expensive, it is not clear that the city's growth controls are the cause. Housing prices were high before any growth management programs were ever enacted. According to former-city planning director Bill Lamont, the rapid growth of the 1960s had already inflated housing prices and forced some lower-income people out of the city before the growth controls were implemented. Also, housing prices remained the same relative to those nearby Denver both before and after the growth controls were implemented. (Boulder remained about 10-15 percent more expensive than Denver.)” -AGO
 

 

By keeping access to outdoor recreation high, it has meant that access to jobs has been limited through the growth cap. One of the main issues affecting the built environment of housing in Boulder county has been the availability of outdoor resources. High access to open space along with a cap in growth to preserve the Rockies has decreased accessibility to affordable housing, especially near parks.

     “As of 2011, 6.66% of Boulder's housing is permanently affordable.” -BHP

Chautauqua

 

Glenwood Grove- North Iris

 

The cost of housing is driven up so much through high accessibility to the mountains that it no longer becomes accessible to the majority of people who live in Boulder. However, given that Boulder is a very progressive town, there are organizations currently working to make housing more affordable. Boulder Housing Partners is a non profit that is working to provide affordable housing for those who qualify. They work with both the federal government and residents to help make the process of acquiring housing more efficient.

“We own and manage 33% of the total inventory of affordable housing in Boulder, making a strong contribution to the City Council's goal that 10% of all housing be permanently affordable. We actively seek opportunities to grow our housing inventory.”- BHP

Red Oak Park, which is expected to be completed later this year, is a $13 million project of Boulder Housing Partners to replace the old mobile home park with 59 permanently affordable homes.








Boulder According to Glaeser

Glaeser postulates that cities like New York, San Diego, and Miami are all nice places to live due to the nice amenities they have to offer.  Fine dining and boutique shops litter these cities.  But what makes these amenities possible is the fact that there is a large congregations of people that makes the demand for such things possible.  In suburban America, you will be lucky to find a world-class restaurant but finding a Chili's is no problem.

Glaeser describes that with highly dense and highly populated places business becomes much more specialized.  Due to the large number of persons, it is possible to create a demand for even the most far out good or service.

Due to the simple laws of supply and demand, areas that have nice amenities are more costly.  Many of us would not mind living in Honolulu for a while but it may be a little harder to get someone to move to Detroit.  Nice places create a higher demand for housing, this higher demand usually translates into higher costs for the potential resident.

In Boulder we can see this effect on the landscape quite clearly.  As mentioned earlier, houses near the Flatirons usually attract prices upwards of 1 million dollars.  When we go out farther such as homes on Table Mesa and 40th Street they are your typical 1960's style suburban household.  Still, we find that housing in Boulder is more expensive overall.  It is quite intuitive to conclude that among other things, Boulder's geography attracts a higher rent check than a similar home would in Aurora.

According to the 2010 census data, the median income per capita in Boulder is more than $10,000 more than state median income.  Interestingly, the median consumption per capita is only different on the order of $15 dollars of so.  Quite clearly, Boulder is not a consumption city but rather a geographic amenity city.

Many persons would like to live in Boulder, but only those who can afford to pay for the higher housing prices are able too.  This is perhaps why only 6.66% of Boulder properties are affordable to those below the median income.

Metageography is defined as the spatial structures through which people order their knowledge of the world. World cities are not eliminating the power of states, they are part of a global restructuring which is “rescaling’ power relations, in which states will change and adapt as they have done many times in previous restructurings. The new metageography is the world-city network according to Beaverstock.      


Part 2

Map of planned construction.

Yellow: Entire site

Green: City of Boulder land

Red: Current housing

The City of Boulder has begun construction on what they call the Boulder Junction, which will incorporate a combination of retail, housing and new transit.  The project itself will take multiple years, with the latest proposal starting in the year 2018.  The entire reconstruction of Boulder Junction will cost over 10 million dollars with at least 4 million coming from federal funding. 

            The construction to Boulder Junction will incorporate the addition of a park, at least 319 new apartments, some small commercial retail stores, multi-use paths, two new stoplights, a bus station, a bridge, a retaining wall, and a lot of new landscaping.  On paper, this new development should be great.  It puts you within walking distance to the Twenty Ninth Street Mall, and just a short bus or bike ride to downtown.

            Like I said, on paper, yes it does sound great, however it may not be as wonderful for everyone.  The City of Boulder has said in their third goal for this plan that they expect that it will increase revenues for the city as well as small business.  They also believe that this area will encourage diversity bringing people from all walks of life, however what they haven’t made note of is they are building an area that could become very popular, very fast.  Rent will not be cheap for long in this area due to the close proximity to the downtown area and the Mall, as well of the added cost of mostly new buildings.  Boulder Junction in itself will have many shops and a new park making it aesthetically pleasing.  It will be far enough from campus that non-students in boulder will be able to space themselves from the college town feel which may also add appeal for many.

            Therefore, if I were a member on the Boulder City Counsel, I would be in favor of this area because it will clearly bring in revenue to the city.  It will add a new depot for RTD making it easier for local commuting and also bussing to and from the city of Boulder.  It is building another hot spot with good location, which will help bring people to the already booming city.  It promotes Boulder culture with the addition of multiple bike lanes and multi-use paths for walking and biking, including down the Goose Creek path and a bridge that connects the newly developed Steel Yards to the Junction area.  So as a City Counsel member I would be 100% for the new development.

            In contrast to that, as a citizen of the city, I would not be in favor of the change.  While the city claims it will add diversity and be beneficial for all, it will not be a cheaper area for long.  I believe many of the small business will be pushed out by higher rent prices only to be replaced by a chain store or restaurant that is already well established within the territory.  Construction does nothing but complicate traffic and with the project going to take at least 7 years that complicates local travel for a long time.

            In my opinion, the addition of Boulder Junction will be great for the city of Boulder for many reasons.  However, as a citizen and tax payer, it does nothing but complicate life.

Picture of the entire area that will be developed including Goose Creek.

Old Train Station which will be site of new Bus Station.

Steel Yards Development, which the bridge will connect to Boulder Junction.

Boulder Through the Decades

Boulder Through the Decades

Posted by Steven



         Boulder has undergone some vast changes with respect to the way houses are constructed. To begin, the houses we found from the 1930s were often larger than houses we have seen from later decades. This may be due to a number of factors. As pointed out by Warner, in the 1920s, developers of large suburban properties wanted to security in their investments. The enemy was the cheap house, so a lot of care was put into making them large and lasting. Perhaps land was also cheaper in Boulder during these years, which would allow a potential home builder to construct a larger house than they would in a city like Denver. These suburban areas started drawing modest income families outward and today we can see larger houses out in the Hinterlands than in tight city spaces.

'30s

Houses of the '30s and '40s have great design.  We see that many of the houses without garages have alleys or long driveways approaching the side.  In some of the landscape, this alley leads way to a garage.  It is reasonable to conclude that the side garages may have been built after the original construction of the house. They were not a focal feature and many people had no need for them, along with driveways. The front porch was still in use and many of these houses we closer to the street.

Post World War II housing in Boulder is more reminiscent of what we have seen in Levittown(the blueprint for American suburbs today). Houses are of the same predictable size, allowing home developers to crank out hundreds of homes that the average family could live in. During the  '40- '60s it appeared that most of the development centered around creating homes with one story (disregarding if there is a basement or not). This development could be due to the fact that it was seen as too costly to construct multiple story homes in the area. Perhaps there was no demand to support constructing these multiple story houses. By the 1940s the nation sees a glimpse of the future automobile metropolis, though maybe not quite yet in Boulder. Cars were being sold by the millions according to Warner, but it wasn't until the contruction of the interstate highway system that the landscape and building changes were revealed.

'40s

'50s

Between 1950 to 1980 as the United States population increased by 50%, the number of automobiles increased by 200%! According to Jackson, this shows the power of automoblie lobbyists such as the Automobile Manufacturers Association, state-highway administrators, motor-bus operations, the American Trucking Association, and the American Parking Association. The Interstate Highway Act became law by 1956, notice that houses begin to have garages in the front of the house. They are modest one car garages, but they are use carports(to left of the picture above). The housing seems to start in a central area, then spreads quite far by the 1960s. Houses of the '50s and '60s tend to be one story compared to those of the '30s and '40s. 

'60s

Between the '60s and the '90s space just seems to be filled in between the housing areas of the '30s and the '60s. As for design, these houses tumble down a sad slope. Garage expansion is on the rise to accomodate two cars, about 400 sq ft.  According to Jackson, "After World War I, house plans of extensive variety began to include garages".  However, in Boulder we do not see this in the landscape as the development of the garage was primarily seen in houses built post World War II.  Perhaps because the automobile was affordable for median income families at the time. By the '70s you start to see house expansion and additions being added to make multi-level homes. 

'70s

The 80's and 90's development that we see in Boulder is typical of what we see with many suburbs across America today. Two-story homes that look as if they were all made on the same day. We see some slight artisan touches on these homes such as the bricks decorating the garages. Houses at this time are packed more tightly together. In my opinion this is because developers wanted to get the most bang for their buck while minimizing the cost of land. Perhaps land became more costly during these times and developers compensated by adjusting lot sizes. Or perhaps cultural values dictated that we did not need so much space for our homes to sit on. These houses are almost identical to each other and most houses in general are also extremely similar. The tract home type of development seems to be a popular option in recent history. Most if not every suburban home during this time was built with a two car(or more) garage. As shopping centers expanded, gasoline stations became self-service, and cities became centerless, we became a drive-in socity. It was easier to have access to anything, as long as you had a car to get around.

'80s

'90s

Jackson elaborates that city sprawl really began to spread after World War II, starting in places like the Orange County, California. There was a decentralization of offices as factory jobs were replaced with service jobs. Indeed, nationally suburbia is here to stay- at least for the immediate future as large parking lots, throw-away fast-food buildings, and fasted paced drive-in operations take over slower-paced, neighborhood-oriented institutions of earlier generations.  

We can see urban sprawl through the evolution of housing in Boulder. The city expands out rather than up. However, the city ordinance which sets a cap for the height of buildings in Boulder may make this problem worsened. While sprawl would still occur, buildings surrounding the main urban area on Pearl St. may have been higher.

When we compare Boulder to our next town of Interest, it is much easier to see a clear definition of urban sprawl and the development of Suburbia.  Boulder is different because it is a city that has always had a clear downtown.  Much unlike cities who sprang up after the development of the automobile.  

One town in particular that has seen alot of expansion is:

Highlands Ranch, Colorado was farm land in 1960. It was so rural that the census was unable to be taken. However in 40 years it has become one of the wealthiest areas not only in the state, but the entire nation. As shown in the 1970 Census, Highlands Ranch wasn't even home to more than 5 - 50 people per square mile. Alarmingly, in a mere 30 year time span it became home to 5,000 - 7,000 people per square mile. Another demographic to take note of is the lack of diversity in Highlands Ranch. According to the 1970 Census, Highlands Ranch (along with all surrounding areas) was 95% - 100% white. In the 30 year window we see very little change in the racial diversity with the city still being 75% - 90% white. Finally, one of the most dramatic changes seen is in the average household income. In 1970, the average family income was a mere $15,000 - $20,000. However just 10 years later in the 1980 census, the average family income became $60,000 - $75,000. 20 years later, Highlands Ranch still finds itself in the second highest income bracket, which was then listed at $75,000 - $100,000.

Clearly, Highlands Ranch has changed dramatically from 1960 when the city was so rural that it could not be taken on the Census, to the year 2000 when it housed up to 7,000 people per square mile and the average house income was $75,000 - $100,000.